laws as govern the sovereign people.

Though those who claim to champion the Philippines' cause apparently
are unaware of it, these Islands have a population strangely alike in
its make up to the people of America; their history is full of American
associations; Americans developed their leading resources, and American
ideas have inspired their political aspirations. It betrays blindness
somewhere that ever since 1898 Filipinos have been trying to get loose
from America in order to set up here an American form of government,

There seems now a, prospect that insular legislation may make available
to the individual the guarantees of personal liberty upon which America
at home prides itself, that municipal self-government and provincial
autonomy may become realities in the Philippines, and possibly even
that both Filipinos and Americans may realize before it is too late
how our elastic territorial government could be made to exact from
them much less of their independence than the sacrifice of sovereignty
necessary in Neutralization or internationalization.

Unwillingness to work when there is nothing in it for them
is common to Filipinos and Americans, for Thomas Jefferson
admitted that extravagance and indolence were the chief faults
of his countrymen. Labor-saving machinery has made the fruits of
Americans' labors in their land of abundance afford a luxury in
living not elsewhere existing. But the Filipino, in his rich and not
over-populated home, shutting out, as we do, oriental cheap labor,
may employ American machinery and attain the same standard. The
possibilities for the prosperity of the population put the Philippines
in the New World, just as their discovery and their history group
them with the Western Hemisphere.