refused the usual allowance, and voted only thirty thousand a year to the
Queen's husband.

The same ill-fortune attended an attempt to introduce into the bill for the
naturalisation of the Prince, before the House of Lords, a clause which
should secure his taking precedence of all save the Queen. The Duke of
Sussex opposed the clause, in the interest of the King of Hanover, and so
many jealous objections were urged that it was judged better to let the
provision drop than risk a defeat in the House of Lords similar to that in
the House of Commons. The awkward alternative remained that Prince Albert's
position, so far as it had to do with the Lord Chamberlain and the Heralds'
Office, was left undecided and ambiguous. It was only by the issue of
letters patent on the Queen's part, at a later date, that any certainty on
this point could be attained even in England.

The formation of the Prince's household, which one would think might have
been left to his own good feeling and discretion, or at least to the
Queen's judgment in acting for him, proved another bone of contention
calling forth many applications and implied claims.

Baron Stockmar came to England in January, to see to this important element
in the Prince's independence and comfort, as well as to the signing of the
marriage contract. But in spite of the able representative, the Prince's
written wishes, judicious and liberal-minded as might have been expected,
and the Queen's desire to carry them out, at least one of the offices was
filled up in a manner which caused Prince Albert anxiety and pain. The
gentleman who had been private secretary to Lord Melbourne was appointed
private secretary to the Prince, without regard to the circumstance that
the step would appear compromising in Tory eyes--the very result which
Prince Albert had striven to avoid, and that the official would be forced,