of replacing them not only in administration but in legislation by
bureaucracies of officials appointed by elected or hereditary rulers,
is one that presses on all thoughtful men, and is by no means an
academic question needed to round off this New Republican theory. The
necessity becomes more urgent every day, as scientific and economic
developments raise first one affair and then another to the level of
public or quasi-public functions. In the last century, locomotion,
lighting, heating, education, forced themselves upon public control or
public management, and now with the development of Trusts a whole host
of businesses, that were once the affair of competing private concerns,
claim the same attention. Government by hustings' bawling, newspaper
clamour, and ward organization, is more perilous every day and more
impotent, and unless we are prepared to see a government _de
facto_ of rich business organizers override the government _de
jure_, or to relapse upon a practical oligarchy of officials, an
oligarchy that will certainly decline in efficiency in a generation or
so, we must set ourselves most earnestly to this problem of improving
representative methods. It is in the direction of the substitution of
the Jury method for a general poll that the only practicable line of
improvement known to the present writer seems to lie, and until it has
been tried it cannot be conceded that democratic government has been
tried and exhaustively proved inadequate to the complex needs of the
modern state.

So much for the question of administration. We come now to a second
need in the modern state if it is to get the best result from the
citizens born into it, and that is the need of honours and privileges
to reward and enhance services and exceptional personal qualities and
so to stir and ennoble that emulation which is, under proper direction,
the most useful to the constructive statesman of all human motives. In