a revolution. And now they were quite ready to vote against the Reform
Bill, but this was to prevent a dissolution. These are the true patriots,
whose confidence in the good sense of their countrymen and in their own
selfishness is about equal. In the meantime, the hundred and forty threw a
grim glance on the numerous waiters on Providence, and amiable trimmers,
who affectionately enquired every day when news might be expected of Sir
Robert. Though too weak to form a government, and having contributed in no
wise by their exertions to the fall of the late, the cohort of
Parliamentary Tories felt all the alarm of men who have accidentally
stumbled on some treasure-trove, at the suspicious sympathy of new allies.
But, after all, who were to form the government, and what was the
government to be? Was it to be a Tory government, or an Enlightened-
Spirit-of-the-Age Liberal-Moderate-Reform government; was it to be a
government of high philosophy or of low practice; of principle or of
expediency; of great measures or of little men? A government of statesmen
or of clerks? Of Humbug or of Humdrum? Great questions these, but
unfortunately there was nobody to answer them. They tried the Duke; but
nothing could be pumped out of him. All that he knew, which he told in his
curt, husky manner, was, that he had to carry on the King's government. As
for his solitary colleague, he listened and smiled, and then in his
musical voice asked them questions in return, which is the best possible
mode of avoiding awkward inquiries. It was very unfair this; for no one
knew what tone to take; whether they should go down to their public
dinners and denounce the Reform Act or praise it; whether the Church was
to be re-modelled or only admonished; whether Ireland was to be conquered
or conciliated.

'This can't go on much longer,' said Taper to Tadpole, as they reviewed
together their electioneering correspondence on the 1st of December; 'we
have no cry.'