mystic whispers. It cannot be supposed indeed for a moment, that the
distinguished personage who had led that party in the House of Commons
previously to the passing of the act of 1832, ever despaired in
consequence of his own career. His then time of life, the perfection,
almost the prime, of manhood; his parliamentary practice, doubly estimable
in an inexperienced assembly; his political knowledge; his fair character
and reputable position; his talents and tone as a public speaker, which he
had always aimed to adapt to the habits and culture of that middle class
from which it was concluded the benches of the new Parliament were mainly
to be recruited, all these were qualities the possession of which must
have assured a mind not apt to be disturbed in its calculations by any
intemperate heats, that with time and patience the game was yet for him.

Unquestionably, whatever may have been insinuated, this distinguished
person had no inkling that his services in 1834 might be claimed by his
Sovereign. At the close of the session of that year he had quitted England
with his family, and had arrived at Rome, where it was his intention to
pass the winter. The party charges that have imputed to him a previous and
sinister knowledge of the intentions of the Court, appear to have been
made not only in ignorance of the personal character, but of the real
position, of the future minister.

It had been the misfortune of this eminent gentleman when he first entered
public life, to become identified with a political connection which,
having arrogated to itself the name of an illustrious historical party,
pursued a policy which was either founded on no principle whatever, or on
principles exactly contrary to those which had always guided the conduct
of the great Tory leaders. The chief members of this official confederacy
were men distinguished by none of the conspicuous qualities of statesmen.
They had none of the divine gifts that govern senates and guide councils.