matters which concerned both Church and State. The universities were
democratic in organization and became democratic in spirit, representing a
heretofore unknown and unexpressed public opinion in western Europe. They
did not wait to be asked; they gave their opinions unsolicited. "The
authority of the University of Paris," writes one contemporary, "has risen
to such a height that it is necessary to satisfy it, no matter on what
conditions." The university "wanted to meddle with the government of the
Pope, the King, and everything else," writes another. We find Paris
intervening repeatedly in both church and state affairs, [27] and
representing French nationality before it had come into being, as the so-
called Holy Roman Empire represented the Germans, and the Papacy
represented the Italians. In Montpellier, professors of Law were
considered as knights, and after twenty years of practice they became
counts. In Bologna we find the professors of Law one of the three
assemblies of the city. Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, and the Scottish
universities were given representation in Parliament. The German
universities were from the first prominent in political affairs, and in
the reformation struggle of the early sixteenth century they were the
battle-grounds.

In an age of oppression these university organizations stood for freedom.
In an age of force they began the substitution of reason. In the centuries
from the end of the Dark Ages to the Reformation they were the homes of
free thought. They early assumed national character and proclaimed a bold
independence. Questions of State and Church they discussed with a freedom
before unknown. They presented their grievances to both kings and popes,
from both they obtained new privileges, to both they freely offered their
advice, and sometimes both were forced to do their bidding. At times
important questions of State, such as the divorce of Philip of France and
that of Henry VIII of England, were submitted to them for decision. They