recognise it. But in the form of its expression it exemplified that
illusion of metropolitanism which is to my mind the veriest cockneyism
in disguise, and which cannot but strike Americans as either ridiculous
or offensive.

Englishmen who, as individuals, wish to promote and not impede an
international understanding, will do well to take some little thought to
avoid wounding, even in trifles, the just and inevitable
susceptibilities of their American acquaintances. Our own national
self-esteem is cased in oak and triple brass,[M] and we are apt to
regard American sensitiveness as a ridiculous foible. It is nothing of
the sort: it is a psychological necessity, deep-rooted in history and
social conditions.

Again, there are certain misunderstandings which Englishmen, not as
individual human beings but as citizens of the British Empire, ought
carefully to guard against. Let us beware of speaking or thinking as
though friendship for England involved on the part of America any
acceptance of English political ideas or imitation of English methods.
In especial, let us carefully guard against the idea that an
Anglo-American understanding, however cordial, implies the adoption of
an "expansionist" policy by the United States, or must necessarily
strengthen the hands of the "expansionist" party. If America chooses to
"take up the white man's burden" in the Kiplingesque sense, it would ill
become England to object; but her doing so is by no means a condition of
England's sympathy. It might seem, indeed, that she had plenty of "white
man's burden" to shoulder within her own continental boundaries; but
that is a matter which she is entirely competent to determine for
herself.