represented in the first group of leaders. They trusted most of them,
but wished at the same time to organize revolutionary democracy, for
self-protection for the moment, and perhaps for self-assertion at a
later date. But a minority of the socialist leaders did not take this
constructive line. From the very start they professed to distrust the
first Provisional Government, for they did not believe in "coalition"--the
co-operation between the various group interests of the community. Their
theory was that of class struggle; they proclaimed this to be their aim,
and worked to give to the revolution this character. Though a minority,
they were a very active and energetic group, and tended to give the tone in
the meetings and resolutions of revolutionary democracy, thus dulling
the spirit of cooperation, which characterized the first period of the
revolution.

The extremists wished a social revolution, "permanent revolution," class
struggle, and they agitated openly and with energy. The workmen and
soldiers of Petrograd had borne the brunt of the physical side of the
revolution. Only workmen and soldiers had been killed fighting for the
revolution during that first week. These particular groups were therefore
proclaimed the "pride and flower of the revolution," and told that they
must establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, thus consolidating the
conquests of the revolution, which should not be allowed to remain a mere
bourgeois affair.

The moderate, constructive socialists did not accept this extreme view,
but they nevertheless recognized the need for an effective organization of
revolutionary democracy all over the country, to ensure the adoption of
truly democratic policies. So they also set about to strengthen and
extend the councils and committees that had emerged with the revolution,
coordinating them in conferences and formal congresses. Much of the