importance of these circumstances will not be duly weighed
without taking into consideration the state of opinion then
prevalent in England. The general principles of government
were there little understood and less examined. The whole
substance of human authority was centred in the simple
doctrine of royal prerogative, the origin of which was always
traced in theory to divine institution. Twenty years later, the
subject was more industriously sifted, and for half a century
became one of the principal topics of controversy between the
ablest and most enlightened men in the nation. The instrument
of voluntary association executed on board the "Mayflower"
testifies that the parties to it had anticipated the improvement
of their nation.

Another incident, from which we may derive occasion for
important reflections, was the attempt of these original settlers
to establish among them that community of goods and of labor,
which fanciful politicians, from the days of Plato to those of
Rousseau, have recommended as the fundamental law of a
perfect republic. This theory results, it must be acknowledged,
from principles of reasoning most flattering to the human
character. If industry, frugality, and disinterested integrity
were alike the virtues of all, there would, apparently, be more
of the social spirit, in making all property a common stock, and
giving to each individual a proportional title to the wealth of
the whole. Such is the basis upon which Plato forbids, in his
Republic, the division of property. Such is the system upon
which Rousseau pronounces the first man who inclosed a field
with a fence, and said, "This is mine," a traitor to the human
species. A wiser and more useful philosophy, however, directs