When we made our first convention with France, on going to war together
with Russia, I thought it would be prudent to put in a clause that neither
Power should get any benefit for itself from the war. The Emperor accepted
the proposal cheerfully; said it was a grand precedent, &c. &c.; but when I
read over the convention with Walewski, prior to signature, the clause was
omitted, and I had it restored. In the case of Savoy, we must admit that
our policy makes objection on our part not only difficult but absurd. We
have been telling the Italians that they were justified in expelling their
rulers and electing a new sovereign, and that treaties could not be
pleaded against accomplished facts; and how can we remonstrate against the
annexation of Savoy to France, if V. Emanuel releases the Savoyards from
their allegiance, and they elect L. Nap. for their sovereign?

_To Lord Brougham_

62 _Rutland Gate, March 5th._ Since my visit to Paris I have never had a
doubt that Louis Napoleon was pursuing, and pursuing actively, a scheme for
the annexation of Savoy, and that nothing which this country can say--for
doing is out of the question--will have any effect in preventing it. The
King of Sardinia is the dog and the shadow. He drops his bone to clutch a
phantom of Italian empire, which will dissolve as he approaches it. The
most amusing part of it is that the policy of his imprudent friends here
(J. R. and so on) has urged him on to pursue the shadow without remembering
what it would cost in substance.

The Reform Bill is considered so very mild a production that I begin, for
the first time, to think it will pass. Even the Tories could conceive
nothing so moderate, and they had better close with the bargain. I have
no doubt it will be rather favourable to the Conservatives than to the