justice and charity, leaving everyone's judgment in other respects free.
(48) But I will speak of this more at length presently.

[18:3] (49) III. We see how necessary it is, both in the interests of the
state and in the interests of religion, to confer on the sovereign power the
right of deciding what is lawful or the reverse. (50) If this right of
judging actions could not be given to the very prophets of God without great
injury, to the state and religion, how much less should it be entrusted to
those who can neither foretell the future nor work miracles! (51) But this
again I will treat of more fully hereafter.

(18:52) IV. Lastly,, we see how disastrous it is for a people unaccustomed
to kings, and possessing a complete code of laws, to set up a monarchy. (53)
Neither can the subjects brook such a sway, nor the royal authority submit
to laws and popular rights set up by anyone inferior to itself. (54) Still
less can a king be expected to defend such laws, for they were not framed to
support his dominion, but the dominion of the people, or some council which
formerly ruled, so that in guarding the popular rights the king would seem
to be a slave rather than a master. (55) The representative of a new
monarchy will employ all his zeal in attempting to frame new laws, so
as to wrest the rights of dominion to his own use, and to reduce the people
till they find it easier to increase than to curtail the royal prerogative.
(56) I must not, however, omit to state that it is no less dangerous to
remove a monarch, though he is on all hands admitted to be a tyrant. (57)
For his people are accustomed to royal authority and will obey no other,
despising and mocking at any less august control.

(18:58) It is therefore necessary, as the prophets discovered of old, if one
king be removed, that he should be replaced by another, who will be a tyrant
from necessity rather than choice. (59) For how will he be able to endure