subjects from their allegiance to Rome; and herein we have a most
instructive contrast to the conduct of the communities subject to Athens
at several critical moments of the Peloponnesian War. With this
consolidation of Italy, thus triumphantly demonstrated, the whole
problem of the conquering career of Rome was solved. All that came
afterwards was simply a corollary from this. The concentration of all
the fighting power of the peninsula into the hands of the ruling city
formed a stronger political aggregate than anything the world had as yet
seen. It was not only proof against the efforts of the greatest military
genius of antiquity, but whenever it was brought into conflict with the
looser organizations of Greece, Africa, and Asia, or with the
semi-barbarous tribes of Spain and Gaul, the result of the struggle was
virtually predetermined. The universal dominion of Rome was inevitable,
so soon as the political union of Italy had been accomplished. Among the
Romans themselves there were those who thoroughly understood this point,
as we may see from the interesting speech of the emperor Claudius in
favour of admitting Gauls to the senate.

The benefits conferred upon the world by the, universal dominion of Rome
were of quite inestimable value. First of these benefits, and (as it
were) the material basis of the others, was the prolonged peace that was
enforced throughout large portions of the world where chronic warfare
had hitherto prevailed. The _pax romana_ has perhaps been sometimes
depicted in exaggerated colours; but as compared with all that had
preceded, and with all that followed, down to the beginning of the
nineteenth century, it deserved the encomiums it has received. The
second benefit was the mingling and mutual destruction of the primitive
tribal and municipal religions, thus clearing the way for
Christianity,--a step which, regarded from a purely political point of
view, was of immense importance for the further consolidation of society