in Europe. The third benefit was the development of the Roman law into a
great body of legal precepts and principles leavened throughout with
ethical principles of universal applicability, and the gradual
substitution of this Roman law for the innumerable local usages of
ancient communities. Thus arose the idea of a common Christendom, of a
brotherhood of peoples associated both by common beliefs regarding the
unseen world and by common principles of action in the daily affairs of
life. The common ethical and traditional basis thus established for the
future development of the great nationalities of Europe is the most
fundamental characteristic distinguishing modern from ancient history.

While, however, it secured these benefits for mankind for all time to
come, the Roman political system in itself was one which could not
possibly endure. That extension of the franchise which made Rome's
conquests possible, was, after all, the extension of a franchise which
could only be practically enjoyed within the walls of the imperial city
itself. From first to last the device of representation was never
thought of, and from first to last the Roman _comitia_ remained a
primary assembly. The result was that, as the burgherhood enlarged, the
assembly became a huge mob as little fitted for the transaction of
public business as a town-meeting of all the inhabitants of New York
would be. The functions which in Athens were performed by the assembly
were accordingly in Rome performed largely by the aristocratic senate;
and for the conflicts consequently arising between the senatorial and
the popular parties it was difficult to find any adequate constitutional
check. Outside of Italy, moreover, in the absence of a representative
system, the Roman government was a despotism which, whether more or less
oppressive, could in the nature of things be nothing else than a
despotism. But nothing is more dangerous for a free people than the
attempt to govern a dependent people despotically. The bad government