his name under guidance of his political boss. Some 20,000 natives and
colored people thus vote at the Cape, and neither the Progressives nor
the Bond party dared to oppose the continuance of the franchise, lest
the native vote should be thrown solid against them. As a result each
province will retain its own suffrage, at least until the South-African
Parliament by a special majority of two-thirds in a joint session shall
decide otherwise.

The future conformation of parties under the union is difficult to
forecast. At present the Dutch parties--they may be called so for lack
of a better word--have large majorities everywhere except in Natal. In
the Transvaal General Botha's party--Het Volk, the Party of the
People--is greatly in the ascendant. But it must be remembered that Het
Volk numbers many British adherents. For instance, Mr. Hull, Botha's
treasurer in the outgoing Government, is an old Johannesburg
"reformer," of the Uitlander days, and fought against the Boers in the
war. In the Orange Free State the party called the Unie (or United
party) has a large majority, while at the Cape Dr. Jameson's party of
progressives can make no stand against Mr. Merriman, Mr. Malan, Mr.
Sauer, and the powerful organization of the Afrikanderbond.

How the new Government will be formed it is impossible to say. Botha
and Merriman will, of course, constitute its leading factors. But
whether they will attempt a coalition by taking in with them such men
as Sir Percy Fitzpatrick and Dr. Jameson, or will prefer a more united
and less universal support is still a matter of conjecture. From the
outsider's point of view, a coalition of British and Dutch leaders,
working together for the future welfare of a common country, would seem
an auspicious opening for the new era. But it must be remembered that
General Botha is under no necessity whatever to form such a coalition.