The commons may indeed imagine that the present state of affairs makes
it necessary to proceed by extraordinary methods; they may believe that
the nation will not be satisfied without a discovery of those frauds
which have been so long practised, and the punishment of those men by
whom they have so long thought themselves betrayed and oppressed; but
let us consider, that clamour is not evidence, and that we ought not
either to recede from justice, or from our own rights, to satisfy the
expectations of the people.

To remonstrate against this invasion of our privileges, my lords, might
be at this juncture improper; the dispute might, in this time of
commotion and vicissitude, distract the attention of those to whom the
publick affairs are committed, retard the business of the nation, and
give our enemies those advantages which they can never hope from their
own courage, or policy, or strength. It may, therefore, be prudent on
this occasion, only not to admit the right which they have assumed, to
satisfy ourselves with retaining our privileges, without requiring any
farther confirmation of them, and only defeat the invasion of them by
rejecting the bill, which is, indeed, of such a kind, as cannot be
confirmed without hazarding not only our own rights, but those of every
Briton.

For here is a species of testimony invited, which is hitherto unknown to
our law, and from which it may be difficult to tell who can be secure;
the witnesses are required to disclose all matters relating to the
conduct of _lord ORFORD, according to the best of their knowledge,
remembrance, or belief!_ A form of deposition, my lords, of great
latitude; a man's belief may be influenced by the report of others who
may deceive him, by his observation of circumstances, either remote in
themselves, or imperfectly discovered, or by his own reasonings, which