presumed that, when they put the exercise of this power into other hands
by adopting the Constitution, "they must have done this with the
expectation that those interests would not be neglected" by Congress.

Actuated by such views, and doubtless also influenced by the great need
for revenue, Madison was on the whole favorable to amendments extending
the list of dutiable articles. Though there were conflicts between members
from manufacturing districts and those from agricultural constituencies,
and though the salt protectionists of New York had some difficulty in
carrying their point, the contention did not follow sectional lines. Coal
was added to the list on the motion of a member from Virginia. The duties
levied were, however, very moderate, ranging from five to twelve and
one-half per cent, with an exception in the case of one article that might
be considered a luxury.

The bill as it passed the House discriminated in favor of nations with
which the United States had commercial treaties. That is to say, it
favored France and Holland as against Great Britain, which had the bulk of
America's foreign trade. Though Madison insisted on this provision and was
supported by a large majority of the House, the Senate would not agree to
it. During the early sessions of Congress the Senate met behind closed
doors, a practice which it did not abandon until five years later. From
the accounts of the discussion preserved in Maclay's diary it appears that
there was much wrangling. Maclay relates that on one occasion when
Pennsylvania's demands were sharply attacked, his colleague, Robert
Morris, was so incensed that Maclay "could see his nostrils widen and his
nose flatten like the head of a viper." Pierce Butler of South Carolina
"flamed away and threatened a dissolution of the Union, with regard to his
State, as sure as God was in the firmament." Thus began a line of argument
that was frequently pursued thereafter until it was ended by wager of