suffragette." He is sure that no one would ever advertise in the paper
unless he believed in votes for women, and frankly, he does not want
his friends to be given a chance to tease him about "this suffragette
business."

Since the Journal is a national paper, it ought, of course, to have
national advertising, but national advertisers require at least 50,000
circulation, we are told. If the Journal's circulation were local, it
could get plenty, but local advertising, of course, does not properly
belong in a national paper, for all except the local circulation is a
waste for it.

If the present circulation of the Journal were in one State or in one
section of the country, say in the West, the Middle West, or in New
York and New England, the paper could get more advertising than it
could carry. But its circulation is scattered over the whole country,
and while this spoils it for local advertising, its circulation is not
yet large enough to enable it to get much national advertising.

To an advertising agent who has seen in a suffrage parade in New York,
Boston, Philadelphia, or Washington from 10,000 to 50,000 suffragists,
it is hard to explain why the national paper going to forty-eight
States, has less than 30,000 subscribers. He expects that the organ
of the movement has at least 75,000 subscribers. When he learns the
truth, it is impossible to talk with him further.

In a nutshell, then, what the advertising department needs is that
great body of non-subscribing suffragists to enroll as readers. Think
of that 68,000 whose names and addresses we have! If we only had them
on our lists, if they stood back of us, advertisers would be glad to