that thirty years hence she would only hold a pitiful 25 per cent. or
the higher appointments in the I.C.S. and the Police. I cannot, however,
mention that Commission, even in passing, without voicing India's thanks
to the Hon. Mr. Justice Rahim, for his rare courage in writing a
solitary Minute of Dissent, in which he totally rejected the Report, and
laid down the right principles which should govern recruitment for the
Indian Civil Services.

India had but three representatives on the Commission; G.K. Gokhale died
ere it made its Report, his end quickened by his sufferings during its
work, by the humiliation of the way in which his countrymen were
treated. Of Mr. Abdur Rahim I have already spoken. The Hon. Mr. M.B.
Chaubal signed the Report, but dissented from some of its most important
recommendations. The whole Report was written "before the flood," and it
is now merely an antiquarian curiosity.

India, for all these reasons, was forced to see before her a future of
perpetual subordination: the Briton rules in Great Britain, the
Frenchman in France, the American in America, each Dominion in its own
area, but the Indian was to rule nowhere; alone among the peoples of the
world, he was not to feel his own country as his own. "Britain for the
British" was right and natural; "India for the Indians" was wrong, even
seditious. It must be "India for the Empire," or not even for the
Empire, but "for the rest of the Empire," careless of herself. "British
support for British Trade" was patriotic and proper in Britain.
"Swadeshi goods for Indians" showed a petty and anti-Imperial spirit in
India. The Indian was to continue to live perpetually, and even
thankfully, as Gopal Krishna Gokhale said he lived now, in "an
atmosphere of inferiority," and to be proud to be a citizen (without
rights) of the Empire, while its other component Nations were to be