Such colonies the United States has not and is not likely to have. As
regards purely military naval stations, the feeling of her people was
probably accurately expressed by an historian of the English navy a
hundred years ago, speaking then of Gibraltar and Port Mahon.
"Military governments," said he, "agree so little with the industry of
a trading people, and are in themselves so repugnant to the genius of
the British people, that I do not wonder that men of good sense and of
all parties have inclined to give up these, as Tangiers was given up."
Having therefore no foreign establishments, either colonial or
military, the ships of war of the United States, in war, will be like
land birds, unable to fly far from their own shores. To provide
resting-places for them, where they can coal and repair, would be one
of the first duties of a government proposing to itself the
development of the power of the nation at sea.

As the practical object of this inquiry is to draw from the lessons of
history inferences applicable to one's own country and service, it is
proper now to ask how far the conditions of the United States involve
serious danger, and call for action on the part of the government, in
order to build again her sea power. It will not be too much to say
that the action of the government since the Civil War, and up to this
day, has been effectively directed solely to what has been called the
first link in the chain which makes sea power. Internal development,
great production, with the accompanying aim and boast of
self-sufficingness, such has been the object, such to some extent the
result. In this the government has faithfully reflected the bent of
the controlling elements of the country, though it is not always easy
to feel that such controlling elements are truly representative, even
in a free country. However that may he, there is no doubt that,