implies _some_ wisdom and a certain regard to the future and to
consequences. The mere abolitionist of the old school, who regards the
Constitution as a league with death and a covenant with hell, may, if he
pleases, see in the war only an opportunity to wreak vengeance on the
South and free the black. But the 'emancipationist' sees this in a very
different light. He sees that we are _not_ fighting for the Negro, or
out of hatred to anybody. He knows that we are fighting to restore the
Union, and that this is the first great thought, to be carried out at
_all_ hazards. But he feels that this carrying out involves some action
at the same time on the great trouble which first caused the war, and
which, if neglected, will prolong the war forever. He feels that the
future of the greatest republic in existence depends on settling this
question now and forever, and that if it be left to the chances of war
to settle itself, there is imminent danger that even a victory may not
prevent a disrupture of the Union. For, disguise it as we may, there is
a vast and uncontrollable body at the North who hate slavery, and pity
the black, and these men will not be silent or inactive. Did the
election of Abraham Lincoln involve nothing of this? We know that it
did. Will this 'extreme left,' this radical party, keep quiet and do
nothing? Why they are the most fiercely active men on our continent. Let
him who would prevent this battle degenerating into a furious strife
between radical abolition and its opponents weigh this matter well.
There are fearful elements at work, which may be neutralized, if we who
fight for the _Union_ will be wise betimes, and remove the bone of
contention.

Above all, let every man bear in mind that, even as the war stands,
something _must_ be done to regulate and settle the Negro question.
After what has been already effected in the border States and South
Carolina, it would be impossible to leave the Negro and his owner in