such an undefined relation as now exists. And yet this very fact--one of
the strongest which can be alleged to prove the necessity of legislation
and order--is cited to prove that the matter will settle itself. Take,
for instance, the following from the correspondence of a daily
cotemporary:--


THE ARMY SPOILING THE SLAVES.--Whatever may be the policy of the
government in regard to the status of the slaves, one thing is
certain, that wherever our army goes, it will most effectually
spoil all the slaves and render them worthless to their masters.
This will be the necessary result, and we think it perfectly
useless to disturb the administration and distract the minds of the
people with the everlasting discussion of this topic. Soon our army
will be in Georgia, Florida, and Louisiana, and the soldiers will
carry with their successful arms an element of liberty that will
infuse itself into every slave in those States. The only hope for
the South, if, indeed, it has not passed away, is to throw down
their arms and submit unconditionally to the government.

That is to say, we are to free the slave, only we must not say so!
Rather than take a bold, manly stand, avow what we are actually doing,
and adopt a measure which would at once conciliate and harmonize the
whole North, we are to suffer a tremendous disorder to spring up and
make mischief without end! Can we never get over this silly dread of
worn-out political abuse and grapple fairly with the truth? Are we
really so much afraid of being falsely called abolitionists and
negro-lovers that we can not act and think like _men!_ Here we are
frightened at _names_, dilly-dallying and quarreling over idle words,
when a tremendous crisis calls for acts. But this can not last forever.