least, have not invited, and, until it had been under discussion
among other gentlemen for a whole month, they scarcely participated
in, the agitation of the subject in this House. We sat here week
after Week, submitting, for the sake of public peace, to hear in
silence the harshest reflections upon our constituents; and
listening, with surprised curiosity, to the strangest legal and
political heresies, uttered as confidently as if they were gospel
truths communicated by divine inspiration. One of my colleagues (Mr.
ADAMS) did, indeed, beseech gentlemen not to provoke him to a
discussion of the subject; and thus it went on, untouched by us,
until another of my colleagues (Mr. HOAR) could no longer abstain
from the temperate defence of the Constitution and of his
fellow-citizens.

In the second place, I do devoutly believe that gentlemen misjudge,
if they suppose that agitation out of doors is to be arrested by the
quashing of these petitions on their very introduction to this
House. With my whole heart I accord in the view of the subject taken
some time since by an honorable gentleman from New York, (Mr. HUNT,)
and which I know is taken by one of the wisest and most trusted of
the statesmen of Virginia, now a member of the other branch of
Congress. If there be any plausible reason for supposing that we
have the right to legislate on the slave interests of the District,
you cannot put down the investigation of the subject out of doors,
by refusing to receive petitions. On the contrary, you give the
petitioners new force and efficiency, by giving them a new cause of
complaint and of excitement. Nor do you attain any thing, so far as
this House is concerned; for, by shutting out petitions, you do not
shut out debate; any member of the House can bring on debate any
day, by moving some general resolution applicable to the subject. On