the other hand, if it be so certain that Congress have no power in
this matter, or having power, ought not to exercise it, then let the
House establish those points in the usual way, by a deliberate
report, elaborated in the closet, by a committee of the ablest men
upon this floor, and considerately adopted by the House. The
argument by which this course is withstood, goes upon a false
assumption. It assumes for granted, that the People of the United
States are not to be reasoned with; that their opinions can be put
down by bold and broad assertions at this or the other end of the
Capitol; and that they are not to be trusted with the facts and law
of the case. Here, again, as I conceive, gentlemen forget that this
government is a republican one, resting exclusively in the
intelligence and virtue of the People. I, for one, am willing they
should look into any of the clauses of the Constitution, and be
fully informed of the merits of every question arising under it,
never doubting that, in the end, their decision upon it will be
just, true, and patriotic. Or is it that gentlemen are afraid to
meet a proper scrutiny of the subject? Do they shrink from a fair
and full examination of its merits or demerits?

Sir, allusion has been made, in an early stage of this debate, to
the history of the excitement which once pervaded a considerable
part of the country, in reference to the transportation of the mails
on the Lord's day. It is undoubtedly a pregnant case, directly in
point. But I have another case, yet more cogent and pertinent.

Within less than one year after the adoption of the Constitution,
there came to Congress petitions, chiefly from New York,
Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, and especially from the
Society of Friends, praying Congress to suppress the slave trade,