designed to keep the rulers within bounds; and among these, first and
foremost, the principle of the division of powers, contrived as a
means for weakening the state in its relation to the individual, by
making it impossible for the state ever to appear, in its dealings
with citizens, in the full plenitude of sovereign powers; also the
principle of the participation of citizens in the lawmaking power, as
a means for securing, in behalf of the individual, a direct check on
this, the strongest branch, and an indirect check on the entire
government of the state. This system of checks and limitations, which
goes by the name of constitutional government resulted in a moderate
and measured liberalism. The checking power was exercised only by
those citizens who were deemed worthy and capable, with the result
that a small élite was made to represent legally the entire body
politic for whose benefit this régime was instituted.

It was evident, however, that this moderate system, being
fundamentally illogical and in contradiction with the very principles
from which it proceeded, would soon become the object of serious
criticism. For if the object of society and of the state is the
welfare of individuals, severally considered, how is it possible to
admit that this welfare can be secured by the individuals themselves
only through the possibilities of such a liberal régime? The
inequalities brought about both by nature and by social organizations
are so numerous and so serious, that, for the greater part,
individuals abandoned to themselves not only would fail to attain
happiness, but would also contribute to the perpetuation of their
condition of misery and dejection. The state therefore cannot limit
itself to the merely negative function of the defense of liberty. It
must become active, in behalf of everybody, for the welfare of the
people. It must intervene, when necessary, in order to improve the