material, intellectual, and moral conditions of the masses; it must
find work for the unemployed, instruct and educate the people, and
care for health and hygiene. For if the purpose of society and of the
state is the welfare of individuals, and if it is just that these
individuals themselves control the attainment of their ends, it
becomes difficult to understand why Liberalism should not go the whole
distance, why it should see fit to distinguish certain individuals
from the rest of the mass, and why the functions of the people should
be restricted to the exercise of a mere check. Therefore the state, if
it exists for all, must be governed by all, and not by a small
minority: if the state is for the people, sovereignty must reside in
the people: if all individuals have the right to govern the state,
liberty is no longer sufficient; equality must be added: and if
sovereignty is vested in the people, the people must wield all
sovereignty and not merely a part of it. The power to check and curb
the government is not sufficient. The people must be the government.
Thus, logically developed, Liberalism leads to Democracy, for
Democracy contains the promises of Liberalism but oversteps its
limitations in that it makes the action of the state positive,
proclaims the equality of all citizens through the dogma of popular
sovereignty. Democracy therefore necessarily implies a republican form
of government even though at times, for reasons of expediency, it
temporarily adjusts itself to a monarchical régime.

Once started on this downward grade of logical deductions it was
inevitable that this atomistic theory of state and society should pass
on to a more advanced position. Great industrial developments and the
existence of a huge mass of working men, as yet badly treated and in a
condition of semi-servitude, possibly endurable in a régime of
domestic industry, became intolerable after the industrial revolution.