real author of the "slavery restriction" branch of the Compromise. To
show the generosity of the Northern members toward the Southern side; on
a test vote to exclude slavery from Missouri, ninety voted not to
exclude, and eighty-seven to exclude, every vote from the slave States
being ranged with the former and fourteen votes from the free States,
of whom seven were from New England alone; while on a vote to exclude
slavery from what is now Kansas, the vote was one hundred and
thirty-four _for_ to forty-two _against_. The scheme, as a whole, was,
of course, a Southern triumph. It is idle to contend otherwise, as is
now being done by the Nebraskaites; it was so shown by the votes and
quite as emphatically by the expressions of representative men. Mr.
Lowndes of South Carolina was never known to commit a political mistake;
his was the great judgment of that section; and he declared that this
measure "would restore tranquillity to the country--a result demanded by
every consideration of discretion, of moderation, of wisdom, and of
virtue." When the measure came before President Monroe for his approval,
he put to each member of his cabinet this question: "Has Congress the
constitutional power to prohibit slavery in a territory?" And John C.
Calhoun and William H. Crawford from the South, equally with John Quincy
Adams, Benjamin Rush, and Smith Thompson from the North, alike answered,
"_Yes!_" without qualification or equivocation; and this measure, of so
great consequence to the South, was passed; and Missouri was, by means
of it, finally enabled to knock at the door of the Republic for an open
passage to its brood of slaves. And, in spite of this, Freedom's share
is about to be taken by violence--by the force of misrepresentative
votes, not called for by the popular will. What name can I, in common
decency, give to this wicked transaction? [Sensation.]

But even then the contest was not over; for when the Missouri
constitution came before Congress for its approval, it forbade any free