negro or mulatto from entering the State. In short, our Illinois "black
laws" were hidden away in their constitution [Laughter], and the
controversy was thus revived. Then it was that Mr. Clay's talents shone
out conspicuously, and the controversy that shook the Union to its
foundation was finally settled to the satisfaction of the conservative
parties on both sides of the line, though not to the extremists on
either, and Missouri was admitted by the small majority of six in the
lower House. How great a majority, do you think, would have been given
had Kansas also been secured for slavery? [A voice: "A majority the
other way."] "A majority the other way," is answered. Do you think it
would have been safe for a Northern man to have confronted his
constituents after having voted to consign both Missouri and Kansas to
hopeless slavery? And yet this man Douglas, who misrepresents his
constituents, and who has exerted his highest talents in that direction,
will be carried in triumph through the State, and hailed with honour
while applauding that act. [Three groans for "_Dug_!"] And this shows
whither we are tending. This thing of slavery is more powerful than its
supporters--even than the high priests that minister at its altar. It
debauches even our greatest men. It gathers strength, like a rolling
snow-ball, by its own infamy. Monstrous crimes are committed in its name
by persons collectively which they would not dare to commit as
individuals. Its aggressions and encroachments almost surpass belief. In
a despotism, one might not wonder to see slavery advance steadily and
remorselessly into new dominions; but is it not wonderful, is it not
even alarming, to see its steady advance in a land dedicated to the
proposition that "all men are created equal"? [Sensation.]

It yields nothing itself; it keeps all it has, and gets all it can
besides. It really came dangerously near securing Illinois in 1824; it
did get Missouri in 1821. The first proposition was to admit what is now