enough to assert that they have shown less disposition to meddle in the
concerns of that very America than he did, and in a way not less likely
to kindle the flame of speculative war. Here is one sovereign not yet
reclaimed by these healing examples. Will he point out the other
sovereigns who are to be reformed by this peace? Their wars may not be
speculative. But the world will not be much mended by turning wars from
unprofitable and speculative to practical and lucrative, whether the
liberty or the repose of mankind is regarded. If the author's new
sovereign in France is not reformed by the example of his own
Revolution, that Revolution has not added much to the security and
repose of Poland, for instance, or taught the three great partitioning
powers more moderation in their second than they had shown in their
first division of that devoted country. The first division, which
preceded these destructive examples, was moderation itself, in
comparison of what has been, done since the period of the author's
amendment.

This paragraph is written with something of a studied obscurity. If it
means anything, it seems to hint as if sovereigns were to learn
moderation, and an attention to the liberties of their people, from _the
fate of the sovereigns who have suffered in this war_, and eminently of
Louis the Sixteenth.

Will he say whether the King of Sardinia's horrible tyranny was the
cause of the loss of Savoy and of Nice? What lesson of moderation does
it teach the Pope? I desire to know whether his Holiness is to learn not
to massacre his subjects, nor to waste and destroy such beautiful
countries as that of Avignon, lest he should call to their assistance
that great deliverer of nations, _Jourdan Coupe-tête_? What lesson does
it give of moderation to the Emperor, whose predecessor never put one