have already taken."

It would be a too tedious undertaking to endeavor to point out all the
fallacies of this Sophism. I will therefore limit myself to the
consideration of it in three points.

You argue that the United States are overburdened with taxes, and
deduce thence the conclusion that it is necessary to protect such and
such an article of produce. But protection does not relieve us from
the payment of these taxes. If, then, individuals devoting themselves
to any one object of industry, should advance this demand: "We, from
our participation in the payment of taxes, have our expenses of
production increased, and therefore ask for a protective duty which
shall raise our price of sale:" what is this but a demand on their
part to be allowed to free themselves from the burden of the tax, by
laying it on the rest of the community? Their object is to balance, by
the increased price of their produce, the amount which they pay in
taxes. Now, as the whole amount of these taxes must enter into the
Treasury, and the increase of price must be paid by society, it
follows that (where this protective duty is imposed) society has to
bear, not only the general tax, but also that for the protection of
the article in question. But, it is answered, let _everything_ be
protected. Firstly, this is impossible; and, again, were it possible,
how could such a system give relief? _I_ will pay for you, _you_ will
pay for me; but not the less still there remains the tax to be paid.

Thus you are the dupes of an illusion. You determine to raise taxes
for the support of an army, a navy, judges, roads, &c. Afterwards you
seek to disburden from its portion of the tax, first one article of
industry, then another, then a third; always adding to the burden of