the buyers of labor, the employers, are opposed to those of the sellers
of labor, the employed. To control the price of labor, each of these
parties in the labor market resorts to whatever measures it finds within
command. The employers in many branches of industry actually, and
employers in general tacitly, combine against the labor organizations.
On the wage-workers' side, these organizations are the sole means,
except a few well-nigh futile laws, yet developed to raise wages and
shorten the work day. In case of a strike, the employers, to assist the
police in intimidating the strikers, may engage a force of armed
so-called detectives. Simply, perhaps, for inviting non-unionists to
cease work, the strikers are subject to imprisonment. Trial for
conspiracy may follow arrest, the judges allied by class interests with
the employers. The newspapers, careful not to offend advertisers, and
looking to the well-to-do for the mass of their readers, may be inclined
to exert an influence against the strikers. The solidarity of the
wage-workers incomplete, even many of these may regard the fate of the
strikers with indifference. In such situation, a strike of the
wage-workers may be made to appear to all except those closely
concerned as an assault on the bulwarks of society.

But what are the bulwarks of society directly arrayed against striking
wage-workers? They are a ring of employers, a ring of officials
enforcing class law made by compliant representatives at the bidding of
shrewd employers, and a ring of public sentiment makers--largely
professional men whose hopes lie with wealthy patrons. Behind these
outer barriers, and seldom affected by even widespread strikes, lies the
citadel in which dwell the monopolists.

Such, in outline, are the intermingled political and economic conditions
common to all American industrial centres. But above every other fact,