one salient fact appears: On the wage-workers falls the burthen of class
law. On what, then, depends the wiping out of such law? Certainly on
nothing else so much as on the force of the wage-workers themselves. To
deprive their opponents of unjust legal advantages, and to invest
themselves with just rights of which they have been deprived, is a task,
outside their labor organizations, to be accomplished mainly by the
wage-workers. It is their task as citizens--their political task. With
direct legislation and local self-government, it is, in considerable
degree, a feasible, even an easy, task. The labor organizations might
supply the framework for a political party, as was done in New York city
in 1886. Then, as was the case in that campaign, when the labor party
polled 68,000 votes, even non-unionists might throw in the reinforcement
of their otherwise hurtful strength. Success once in sight, the
organized wage-workers would surely find citizens of other classes
helping to swell their vote. And in the straightforward politics of
direct legislation, the labor leaders who command the respect of their
fellows might, without danger to their character and influence, go
boldly to the front.


_The Wage-Workers as a Political Majority._

Suppose that as far as possible our industrial city of 50,000
inhabitants should exercise self-government with direct legislation.
Various classes seeking to reform common abuses, certain general reforms
would immediately ensue. If the city should do what the Swiss have done,
it would speedily rid its administration of unnecessary office-holders,
reduce the salaries of its higher officials, and rescind outstanding
franchise privileges. If the municipality should have power to determine
its own methods of taxation, as is now in some respects the case in