universal Italian league was possible. But the more powerful States had
already developed characteristic features which made any such scheme
impracticable. In their commercial dealings they shrank from no
measures, however extreme, which might damage their competitors; they
held their weaker neighbors in a condition of helpless dependence in
short, they each fancied they could get on by themselves without the
assistance of the r est, and thus paved the way for future usurpation.
The usurper was forthcoming when long conflicts between the nobility
and the people, and between the different factions of the nobility, had
awakened the desire for a strong government, and when bands of
mercenaries ready and willing to sell their aid to the highest bidder
had superseded the general levy of the citizens which party leaders now
found unsuited to their purposes. The tyrants destroyed the freedom of
most of the cities; here and there they were expelled, but not
thoroughly, or only for a short time; and they were always restored,
since the inward conditions were favourable to them, and the opposing
forces were exhausted.

Among the cities which maintained their independence are two of deep
significance for the history of the human race: Florence, the city of
incessant movement, which has left us a record of the thoughts and
aspirations of each and all who, for three centuries, took part in this
movement, and Venice, the city of apparent stagnation and of political
secrecy. No contrast can be imagined stronger than that which is
offered us by these two, and neither can be compared to anything else
which the world has hitherto produced.

Venice recognized itself from the first as a strange and mysterious
creation the fruit of a higher power than human ingenuity. The solemn
foundation of the city was the subject of a legend: on March 25, 1413,