Street, a city superior in size and in population to the capitals
of many mighty kingdoms; and probably superior in opulence,
intelligence, and general respectability, to any city in the
world. I would conduct him through that interminable succession
of streets and squares, all consisting of well built and well
furnished houses. I would make him observe the brilliancy of the
shops, and the crowd of well-appointed equipages. I would show
him that magnificent circle of palaces which surrounds the
Regent's Park. I would tell him that the rental of this district
was far greater than that of the whole kingdom of Scotland, at
the time of the Union. And then I would tell him that this was
an unrepresented district. It is needless to give any more
instances. It is needless to speak of Manchester, Birmingham,
Leeds, Sheffield, with no representation, or of Edinburgh and
Glasgow with a mock representation. If a property tax were now
imposed on the principle that no person who had less than a
hundred and fifty pounds a year should contribute, I should not
be surprised to find that one half in number and value of the
contributors had no votes at all; and it would, beyond all doubt,
be found that one fiftieth part in number and value of the
contributors had a larger share of the representation than the
other forty-nine fiftieths. This is not government by property.
It is government by certain detached portions and fragments of
property, selected from the rest, and preferred to the rest, on
no rational principle whatever.

To say that such a system is ancient, is no defence. My
honourable friend, the Member for the University of Oxford (Sir
Robert Harry Inglis.), challenges us to show that the
Constitution was ever better than it is. Sir, we are