the utility of a House of Commons, that it should possess the
confidence of the people, as that it should deserve that
confidence. Unfortunately, that which is in theory the popular
part of our government, is in practice the unpopular part. Who
wishes to dethrone the King? Who wishes to turn the Lords out of
their House? Here and there a crazy radical, whom the boys in
the street point at as he walks along. Who wishes to alter the
constitution of this House? The whole people. It is natural
that it should be so. The House of Commons is, in the language
of Mr Burke, a check, not on the people, but for the people.
While that check is efficient, there is no reason to fear that
the King or the nobles will oppress the people. But if the check
requires checking, how is it to be checked? If the salt shall
lose its savour, wherewith shall we season it? The distrust with
which the nation regards this House may be unjust. But what
then? Can you remove that distrust? That it exists cannot be
denied. That it is an evil cannot be denied. That it is an
increasing evil cannot be denied. One gentleman tells us that it
has been produced by the late events in France and Belgium;
another, that it is the effect of seditious works which have
lately been published. If this feeling be of origin so recent, I
have read history to little purpose. Sir, this alarming
discontent is not the growth of a day or of a year. If there be
any symptoms by which it is possible to distinguish the chronic
diseases of the body politic from its passing inflammations, all
those symptoms exist in the present case. The taint has been
gradually becoming more extensive and more malignant, through the
whole lifetime of two generations. We have tried anodynes. We
have tried cruel operations. What are we to try now? Who
flatters himself that he can turn this feeling back? Does there