remain any argument which escaped the comprehensive intellect of
Mr Burke, or the subtlety of Mr Windham? Does there remain any
species of coercion which was not tried by Mr Pitt and by Lord
Londonderry? We have had laws. We have had blood. New treasons
have been created. The Press has been shackled. The Habeas
Corpus Act has been suspended. Public meetings have been
prohibited. The event has proved that these expedients were mere
palliatives. You are at the end of your palliatives. The evil
remains. It is more formidable than ever. What is to be done?

Under such circumstances, a great plan of reconciliation,
prepared by the Ministers of the Crown, has been brought before
us in a manner which gives additional lustre to a noble name,
inseparably associated during two centuries with the dearest
liberties of the English people. I will not say, that this plan
is in all its details precisely such as I might wish it to be;
but it is founded on a great and a sound principle. It takes
away a vast power from a few. It distributes that power through
the great mass of the middle order. Every man, therefore, who
thinks as I think is bound to stand firmly by Ministers who are
resolved to stand or fall with this measure. Were I one of them,
I would sooner, infinitely sooner, fall with such a measure than
stand by any other means that ever supported a Cabinet.

My honourable friend, the Member for the University of Oxford,
tells us, that if we pass this law, England will soon be a
republic. The reformed House of Commons will, according to him,
before it has sate ten years, depose the King, and expel the
Lords from their House. Sir, if my honourable friend could prove
this, he would have succeeded in bringing an argument for