democracy, infinitely stronger than any that is to be found in
the works of Paine. My honourable friend's proposition is in
fact this: that our monarchical and aristocratical institutions
have no hold on the public mind of England; that these
institutions are regarded with aversion by a decided majority of
the middle class. This, Sir, I say, is plainly deducible from
his proposition; for he tells us that the Representatives of the
middle class will inevitably abolish royalty and nobility within
ten years: and there is surely no reason to think that the
Representatives of the middle class will be more inclined to a
democratic revolution than their constituents. Now, Sir, if I
were convinced that the great body of the middle class in England
look with aversion on monarchy and aristocracy, I should be
forced, much against my will, to come to this conclusion, that
monarchical and aristocratical institutions are unsuited to my
country. Monarchy and aristocracy, valuable and useful as I
think them, are still valuable and useful as means, and not as
ends. The end of government is the happiness of the people: and
I do not conceive that, in a country like this, the happiness of
the people can be promoted by a form of government in which the
middle classes place no confidence, and which exists only because
the middle classes have no organ by which to make their
sentiments known. But, Sir, I am fully convinced that the middle
classes sincerely wish to uphold the Royal prerogatives and the
constitutional rights of the Peers. What facts does my
honourable friend produce in support of his opinion? One fact
only; and that a fact which has absolutely nothing to do with the
question. The effect of this Reform, he tells us, would be to
make the House of Commons allpowerful. It was allpowerful once
before, in the beginning of 1649. Then it cut off the head of