could not have shown it. I understand what he would do. He would say: I
don't mean to quote from you, but this was the result of what you say.
But I have the right to ask, and I do ask now, Did you not put it in such
a form that an ordinary reader or listener would take it as an expression
from me?

In a speech at Springfield, on the night of the 17th, I thought I might
as well attend to my own business a little, and I recalled his attention
as well as I could to this charge of conspiracy to nationalize slavery. I
called his attention to the fact that he had acknowledged in my hearing
twice that he had carefully read the speech, and, in the language of the
lawyers, as he had twice read the speech, and still had put in no plea or
answer, I took a default on him. I insisted that I had a right then to
renew that charge of conspiracy. Ten days afterward I met the Judge at
Clinton,--that is to say, I was on the ground, but not in the
discussion,--and heard him make a speech. Then he comes in with his plea
to this charge, for the first time; and his plea when put in, as well as
I can recollect it, amounted to this: that he never had any talk with
Judge Taney or the President of the United States with regard to the Dred
Scott decision before it was made. I (Lincoln) ought to know that the man
who makes a charge without knowing it to be true falsifies as much as he
who knowingly tells a falsehood; and, lastly, that he would pronounce the
whole thing a falsehood; but, he would make no personal application of
the charge of falsehood, not because of any regard for the "kind,
amiable, intelligent gentleman," but because of his own personal
self-respect! I have understood since then (but [turning to Judge
Douglas] will not hold the Judge to it if he is not willing) that he has
broken through the "self-respect," and has got to saying the thing out.
The Judge nods to me that it is so. It is fortunate for me that I can
keep as good-humored as I do, when the Judge acknowledges that he has