that there is a wrong in it, he cannot logically say that anybody has a
right to do wrong. He insists that upon the score of equality the owners
of slaves and owners of property--of horses and every other sort of
property--should be alike, and hold them alike in a new Territory. That
is perfectly logical if the two species of property are alike and are
equally founded in right. But if you admit that one of them is wrong, you
cannot institute any equality between right and wrong. And from this
difference of sentiment,--the belief on the part of one that the
institution is wrong, and a policy springing from that belief which looks
to the arrest of the enlargement of that wrong, and this other sentiment,
that it is no wrong, and a policy sprung from that sentiment, which will
tolerate no idea of preventing the wrong from growing larger, and looks
to there never being an end to it through all the existence of
things,--arises the real difference between Judge Douglas and his friends
on the one hand and the Republicans on the other. Now, I confess myself
as belonging to that class in the country who contemplate slavery as a
moral, social, and political evil, having due regard for its actual
existence amongst us and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any
satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations which have
been thrown about it; but, nevertheless, desire a policy that looks to
the prevention of it as a wrong, and looks hopefully to the time when as
a wrong it may come to an end.

Judge Douglas has again, for, I believe, the fifth time, if not the
seventh, in my presence, reiterated his charge of a conspiracy or
combination between the National Democrats and Republicans. What evidence
Judge Douglas has upon this subject I know not, inasmuch as he never
favors us with any. I have said upon a former occasion, and I do not
choose to suppress it now, that I have no objection to the division in
the Judge's party. He got it up himself. It was all his and their work.