two significant statements. Speaking of the Monroe Doctrine, he
said, "We do not guarantee any state against punishment, if it
misconducts itself." This was very satisfactory to Germany. But
he added--"provided the punishment does not take the form of
the acquisition of territory by any non-American power." This
did not suit the German book so well. For a year the matter was
discussed. Germany disclaimed any intention to make "permanent"
acquisitions in Venezuela but contended for its right to make
"temporary" ones. Now the world had already seen "temporary"
acquisitions made in China, and it was a matter of common
knowledge that this convenient word was often to be interpreted
in a Pickwickian sense.

When the "pacific blockade" passed into the stage of active
hostilities, the patience of Roosevelt snapped. The German
Ambassador, von Holleben, was summoned to the White House. The
President proposed to him that Germany should arbitrate its
differences with Venezuela. Von Holleben assured him that his
"Imperial Master" would not hear of such a course. The President
persisted that there must be no taking possession, even
temporarily, of Venezuelan territory. He informed the Ambassador
that Admiral Dewey was at that moment maneuvering in Caribbean
waters, and that if satisfactory assurances did not come from
Berlin in ten days, he would be ordered to proceed to Venezuela
to see that no territory was seized by German forces. The
Ambassador was firm in his conviction that no assurances would be
forthcoming.

A week later Von Holleben appeared at the White House to talk of
another matter and was about to leave without mentioning