political ripple of the contest, but the fight was a dead affair, and
nobody enthused. The play came to a tame ending when Beardslee nominated
Stanton for the Speaker's job and got the Chairmanship of the important
Committee on Ways and Means for being good, or taking program, however
one may view it.

But at one time a real fight for the Speakership threatened. Assemblyman
Drew, of Fresno, and other stanch anti-machine men, conceived the
radical notion that it was idiotic for them to sit around like lambs
waiting to have their throats cut, while the machine organized the
House. They accordingly decided to take a hand in the organization of
the Assembly themselves by refusing to vote for any man for Speaker who
was known to be under the influence of the machine.

Forty-one votes are required to elect the Speaker. The reformers figured
on the nineteen Democratic members as with them. The Lincoln-Roosevelt
League had elected Assemblymen from several counties, including Alameda.
These were naturally counted on. Other reputable Republican members were
expected to join the movement in numbers sufficient to secure the
necessary forty-one votes.

The purpose of the leaders of this departure from the regular rules of
the political game should have commended itself to every good citizen.
Their idea was to organize the Assembly, not for self-advancement, or
the promotion of special privileges as the machine leaders do year after
year, but that good bills might be passed and bad bills defeated; that
the waste of the public funds might be stopped; that worthy citizenship
might be placed above predatory partisanship. And yet, they were
compelled to proceed with the utmost caution; were discouraged at every
turn, and abused like pickpockets, even by those upon whom they depended