for support. Gradually it dawned upon them that not a few of the
Democratic members were not in sympathy with reform legislation. But
more discouraging still was the fact that certain Republicans elected to
the Assembly by the Lincoln-Roosevelt faction of the party were as
little to be depended upon. By consulting the tables "B" and "C" of
Assembly votes in the appendix, it will be seen that Democrats like
Baxter, Collum, Hopkins, O'Neil and Wheelan, and Lincoln-Roosevelt
Republicans like Mott, Pulcifer and Feeley, as a general thing voted
with the machine Republicans. There were, to be sure, Democrats like
Gillis, Johnson of Placer, Juilliard, Maher, Mendenhall, Polsley,
Preston, Wilson, Odom and Stuckenbruck, who were against the machine on
every issue, but the record shows the utter foolishness of regarding
either party free of machine influences. Without being able to
understand just how it was, Mr. Drew and his associates failed to secure
the encouragement for their independent movement which they expected.
The stealthy move upon the Speaker's chair was found in some
unaccountable way to be blocked. Then some cautious soul suggested that
if they should fail the machine would hold up the appropriation bills of
those identified with the movement. That settled it. The attempt to
elect as Speaker some member free of machine influence ended right
there. The reformers skurried for cover.

The part which the appropriation bills play in the enactment of bad laws
is one of the least understood of a legislative session. Each session
money must be appropriated by legislative enactment for the maintenance
and enlargement, where necessary, of the various State institutions,
such as hospitals for the insane, reform schools, normal schools, and
the like. These institutions are not local at all, but State. But the
Senators and Assemblymen from the counties in which they are situated
are, by custom, charged with the responsibility of securing the