measure enacted, not from the opponents of the Direct Primary theory.

Of course this dissatisfaction of the advocates of an effective law
encouraged the machine to action. The measure was deliberately left with
the Committee on Election Laws. The Anti-Gambling bill had passed both
Houses by February 4th, one month after the session had opened. But on
that date, the Committee had just begun consideration of the measure. To
be sure, the Election Laws Committee had been stacked against the Direct
Primary bill, but the Public Morals Committee had been stacked against
the Anti-Gambling bill as well. But the opponents of racetrack gambling
were satisfied with the Walker-Otis bill, while the proponents of the
Direct Primary for California were by no means satisfied with the
Wright-Stanton bill.

So the machine dared do with the Direct Primary bill what it did not
dare do with the Anti-Gambling bill. The Walker-Otis bill had a standing
which the Wright-Stanton bill did not have.

That the Committee on Election Laws did not act early in the session on
the Direct Primary bill was not because of the purpose of Senator
Estudillo, Chairman of the Committee. Time after time did Estudillo call
meetings for consideration of the bill, and repeatedly, he found only
himself, and Senators Stetson and Wright in attendance. Finally, in
February, Senator Estudillo succeeded in getting his committee together
for consideration of the all-important measure.

That the machine proposed to make the bill inoperative was recognized
from the moment the committee was called to order. The manner in which
this was to be done developed as rapidly. The machine's plan was as
follows: