the uttermost. The proud Anglo-Celtic stock is not accustomed to be
humbled, and yet they found themselves through the action of the
home Government converted into members of a beaten race. It was
very well for the citizen of London to console his wounded pride by
the thought that he had done a magnanimous action, but it was
different with the British colonist of Durban or Cape Town, who by
no act of his own, and without any voice in the settlement, found
himself humiliated before his Dutch neighbour. An ugly feeling of
resentment was left behind, which might perhaps have passed away
had the Transvaal accepted the settlement in the spirit in which it
was meant, but which grew more and more dangerous as during
eighteen years our people saw, or thought that they saw, that one
concession led always to a fresh demand, and that the Dutch
republics aimed not merely at equality, but at dominance in South
Africa. Professor Bryce, a friendly critic, after a personal
examination of the country and the question, has left it upon
record that the Boers saw neither generosity nor humanity in our
conduct, but only fear. An outspoken race, they conveyed their
feelings to their neighbours. Can it be wondered at that South
Africa has been in a ferment ever since, and that the British
Africander has yearned with an intensity of feeling unknown in
England for the hour of revenge?

The Government of the Transvaal after the war was left in the hands
of a triumvirate, but after one year Kruger became President, an
office which he continued to hold for eighteen years. His career as
ruler vindicates the wisdom of that wise but unwritten provision of
the American Constitution by which there is a limit to the tenure
of this office. Continued rule for half a generation must turn a
man into an autocrat. The old President has said himself, in his