fantasy, however wild, that a man may not persuade himself that he
cherishes from motives of conscience; eternal war against impious
France, or rebellious America, or Catholic Spain, may in times to
come be scruples of conscience. One English Monarch may, from
scruples of conscience, wish to abolish every trait of religious
persecution; another Monarch may deem it his absolute and
indispensable duty to make a slight provision for Dissenters out of
the revenues of the Church of England. So that you see, Brother
Abraham, there are cases where it would be the duty of the best and
most loyal subjects to oppose the conscientious scruples of their
Sovereign, still taking care that their actions were constitutional
and their modes respectful. Then you come upon me with personal
questions, and say that no such dangers are to be apprehended now
under our present gracious Sovereign, of whose good qualities we
must be all so well convinced. All these sorts of discussions I beg
leave to decline. What I have said upon constitutional topics, I
mean of course for general, not for particular application. I agree
with you in all the good you have said of the powers that be, and I
avail myself of the opportunity of pointing out general dangers to
the Constitution, at a moment when we are so completely exempted
from their present influence. I cannot finish this letter without
expressing my surprise and pleasure at your abuse of the servile
addresses poured in upon the throne, nor can I conceive a greater
disgust to a Monarch, with a true English heart, than to see such a
question as that of Catholic Emancipation argued, not with a
reference to its justice or importance, but universally considered
to be of no further consequence than as it affects his own private
feelings. That these sentiments should be mine is not wonderful;
but how they came to be yours does, I confess, fill me with
surprise. Are you moved by the arrival of the Irish Brigade at