and depreciates institutions of higher learning; but neither the
Negro common-schools, nor Tuskegee itself, could remain
open a day were it not for teachers trained in Negro colleges,
or trained by their graduates.

This triple paradox in Mr. Washington's position is the
object of criticism by two classes of colored Americans. One
class is spiritually descended from Toussaint the Savior, through
Gabriel, Vesey, and Turner, and they represent the attitude of
revolt and revenge; they hate the white South blindly and
distrust the white race generally, and so far as they agree on
definite action, think that the Negro's only hope lies in
emigration beyond the borders of the United States. And yet,
by the irony of fate, nothing has more effectually made this
programme seem hopeless than the recent course of the United
States toward weaker and darker peoples in the West Indies,
Hawaii, and the Philippines,--for where in the world may we
go and be safe from lying and brute force?

The other class of Negroes who cannot agree with Mr.
Washington has hitherto said little aloud. They deprecate the
sight of scattered counsels, of internal disagreement; and
especially they dislike making their just criticism of a useful
and earnest man an excuse for a general discharge of venom
from small-minded opponents. Nevertheless, the questions in-
volved are so fundamental and serious that it is difficult to see
how men like the Grimkes, Kelly Miller, J. W. E. Bowen,
and other representatives of this group, can much longer be
silent. Such men feel in conscience bound to ask of this
nation three things: