entertained of being able soon to open their eyes, and to justify my
conduct. I expected that friendship, or, if that principle failed,
curiosity at least, would move the party to send over some person
from whose report they might have both sides of the question laid
before them. Though this expectation be founded in reason, and you
want to be informed at least as much as I do to be justified, yet I
have hitherto flattered myself with it in vain. To repair this
misfortune, therefore, as far as lies in my power, I resolve to put
into writing the sum of what I should have said in that case. These
papers shall lie by me till time and accidents produce some occasion
of communicating them to you. The true occasion of doing it with
advantage to the party will probably be lost; but they will remain a
monument of my justification to posterity. At worst, if even this
fails me, I am sure of one satisfaction in writing them: the
satisfaction of unburdening my mind to a friend, and of stating
before an equitable judge the account, as I apprehend it to stand,
between the Tories and myself--"Quantum humano consilio efficere
potui, circumspectis rebus meis omnibus, rationibusque subductis,
summam feci cogitationum mearum omnium, quam tibi, si potero,
breviter exponam."

It is necessary to my design that I call to your mind the state of
affairs in Britain from the latter part of the year 1710 to the
beginning of the year 1715, about which time we parted. I go no
farther back because the part which I acted before that time, in the
first essays I made in public affairs, was the part of a Tory, and
so far of a piece with that which I acted afterwards. Besides, the
things which preceded this space of time had no immediate influence
on those which happened since that time, whereas the strange events
which we have seen fall out in the king's reign were owing in a