any previous attempt. There was hope that it would last, and hold the
situation together, at least until the Constituent Assembly could meet.

This hope was not realized, as we know, and the break-up of the government
came within a month, when the Bolsheviki at last accomplished their
long-planned armed uprising, and by force established what they called the
dictatorship of the proletariat. Acting on the very eve of the opening of
the Constituent Assembly, the elections for which were already in progress,
the Bolsheviki showed clearly their contempt for a really national, popular
form of government. The Bolshevik uprising was followed by civil war. But
this was the aim of the extremists, for they were against social peace,
cooperation, coalition, and were striving for class war.

Until this last month the Russian Revolution, though marked by extreme
antagonisms, and much wrangling, was nevertheless comparatively peaceful in
character. There was no extensive violence, such as would justify the use
of the term "civil war." It was to avoid civil war that such constant, and
on the whole honest, efforts were made to "unite all the vital forces
of the country." For it was seen that civil war would perhaps ruin the
revolution, and in any case would eliminate Russia as a factor in the war,
and the constructive leaders constantly emphasized that on the successful
outcome of the war depended also the success of the revolution. But the
efforts of the more constructive and moderate groups failed. This
very short outline of the attempts to solve the problems with which
revolutionary Russia was confronted by applying the principle of coalition
gives an interpretation of the recent events in Russia from another angle.
In any case one has tried to point out the forces in conflict during these
last months, perhaps suggesting one of many possible issues from the
present chaos.