brought revolutionary democracy still more under the influence of the
extremists. The Coalition Government fell to pieces, and a Directorate of
Five, with almost dictatorial powers, still headed by Kerensky, assumed
authority.

The Bolsheviki now demanded the absolute and final renunciation of
the principle of coalition, and the formation of a purely socialistic
government. Kerensky and the constructive socialists refused to participate
in such a government, and opened negotiations with the non-socialist
leaders, to attempt once more the coalition form of government. The
extremists then sent out a call to "revolutionary democracy" to meet in
another conference, which they called a Democratic Conference, as opposed
to the State Conference of Moscow. They declared that no bourgeois,
counter-revolutionary group would be admitted to the conference. Kerensky
allowed the conference to meet. It passed contradictory resolutions, first
voting against the principle of a coalition form of government, but later
seeming to advocate and support this principle. The moderate socialists
fought hard for the coalition idea, and Kerensky and his followers seemed
at last to have won out. In any case, at the beginning of October, Kerensky
formed a third coalition government, and convened a preliminary parliament
in which all parties were represented. This time a definitely outlined
program, as the basis for cooeperation, was accepted by the socialists,
which made it possible for the non-socialists to give their best men to
the new combination. The Provisional Government of October 8, at least
the fifth since the revolution, and the third Coalition Government,
unquestionably brought together the strongest and most representative group
of men since the revolution. The Bolsheviki declared their intention to
break it up as quickly as possible, and there was not much optimism in
non-socialist circles; one felt that it would not survive many weeks. But
this third Coalition Government gave a greater promise of success than