fraudulent names, nor is it necessary yet for the press to issue a
notice such as that which appeared in the New York _Evening Post:_
"There are a thousand 'colonizers' waiting to vote for the Tammany
ticket. Vote early, so that no one can vote ahead of you in your
name."[8] In New York the Citizens' Unions have at each election to
spend several weeks in succession in thwarting attempts at this offence
on a large scale, and though our more perfect organization of elections
renders such frauds impossible, still if we are to arrest the
Americanization of our electoral contests we must cease to allow the
results of a "final rally," the votes of the least worthy citizens,
assiduous "nursing," or suggestive posters to decide the representation
of a constituency.

_Party exclusiveness._

The preceding criticism of recent developments in electoral warfare must
not be read as a condemnation of party organization as such. Party
organization there must be, and unquestionably the success of a party is
intimately bound up with the efficiency of its organization. But our
defective electoral system confers upon party organization a weapon
which is not an adjunct to efficiency in the true sense of the word, but
a weapon which has been and can be made a serious menace to the
political independence and sincerity both of electors and of Members of
Parliament. During the memorable three-cornered fight in Greenwich in
1906, Lord Hugh Cecil made this statement: "The opposition to me is not
to put a Tariff Reformer in, but to keep me out. ... We are face to face
with an innovation in English politics, and it is a question of how far
it is desirable to introduce methods which may be handled with a view to
creating a party mechanism so rigid, so powerful, and so capable of
being directed by a particular mind towards a single object, that it may